Return to the Guide to the Utah Legislature.
| First session in legislature: | 2019 |
| Most recent year of service for which data are available: | 2024 |
| Total sessions served in Utah House as of 2024: | 6 |
| Total sessions served in Utah Senate as of 2024: | 0 |
I present a variety of statistics about Rep. Mark A. Strong's service in the Utah legislature. I highlight differences from chamber averages using little green and red arrows. The number of arrows is statistically determined. More arrows indicate a larger difference compared to the chamber average, in relation to how much diversity there is among legislators on this metric. If all legislators introduce exactly 5 bills, then a legislator who introduces 10 is very different; if legislators vary wildly in how many bills they introduce (but the average is still 5), then a legislator who introduces 10 bills may be less different from average. The standard deviation measures this diversity.
/
Three arrows mean that the legislator is significantly different from average (i.e. at least two standard deviations from the mean, placing the legislator in the top/bottom 2% or so)./ Two arrows mean that the legislator is somewhat different from average (i.e. at least one standard deviation from the mean, placing the legislator in the top/bottom 16% or so)./ One arrow indicates that the legislator is only slightly different from average (i.e. one-third standard deviation from the mean). A single arrow indicates a very small difference; don't make too much of it.| 2019 | 2020 | 2021 | 2022 | 2023 | 2024 | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Service summary. Service prior to 2007 (if any) is not shown here. My database goes back only to 2007. | |||||||
| Chamber | House | House | House | House | House | House | |
| District | H41 | H41 | H41 | H41 | H47 | H47 | |
| Party | R | R | R | R | R | R | |
| Leadership | None | None | None | None | None | None | |
| Years in chamber | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 6 | |
| Years comparison | | | | == | == | == | |
| 2019 | 2020 | 2021 | 2022 | 2023 | 2024 | ||
| Bills sponsored (learn more) Bills written and promoted by the legislator in his/her own chamber. | |||||||
| Introduced by Strong | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 4 | |
| Chamber average | 7.3 | 7.3 | 6.6 | 7.1 | 8.1 | 8.5 | |
| Difference | -6.3 | -5.3 | -3.6 | -3.1 | -3.1 | -4.5 | |
| Comparison | | | | | | |
|
| 2019 | 2020 | 2021 | 2022 | 2023 | 2024 | ||
| Bill passage rate (learn more). What percent of Rep. Strong's sponsored bills pass and are officially "enrolled"? (I ignore whether the governor signed or vetoted the bill.) | |||||||
| Bills introduced | 1 | 2 | 3 | 4 | 5 | 4 | |
| Bills passed | 1 | 2 | 1 | 3 | 2 | 3 | |
| Passage rate | 100% | 100% | 33% | 75% | 40% | 75% | |
| Chamber average | 63% | 58% | 60% | 58% | 56% | 56% | |
| Difference | +37 | +42 | -26.8 | +17 | -16.3 | +19 | |
| Comparison | | | | | | |
|
| 2019 | 2020 | 2021 | 2022 | 2023 | 2024 | ||
| Bills floor sponsored. A "floor sponsor" is like a secondary sponsor of a bill. After a bill passes the sponsor's chamber, its sponsor needs to find a "floor sponsor" in the other chamber to usher it through the other chamber. | |||||||
| Total floor sponsored | 1 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 0 | 0 | |
| Chamber average | 3.4 | 3.1 | 3.1 | 3.0 | 3.5 | 3.3 | |
| Difference | -2.4 | -2.1 | -2.1 | -2.0 | -3.5 | -3.3 | |
| Comparison | | | | | | |
|
| 2019 | 2020 | 2021 | 2022 | 2023 | 2024 | ||
| Missed votes (learn more). Usually missed votes occur because of competing obligations within the legislature, not because the legislator has left the capitol. | |||||||
| Missed votes | 29 | 15 | 20 | 38 | 40 | 36 | |
| Total votes held | 752 | 698 | 666 | 711 | 803 | 845 | |
| Absentee rate | 3.9% | 2.1% | 3.0% | 5.3% | 5.0% | 4.3% | |
| Chamber average | 6.4% | 7.1% | 6.1% | 5.7% | 6.4% | 6.8% | |
| Difference | -2.5 | -5.0 | -3.1 | -0.4 | -1.4 | -2.5 | |
| Comparison | | | == | == | == | |
|
| 2019 | 2020 | 2021 | 2022 | 2023 | 2024 | ||
| "Nay" votes (learn more). Most floor votes pass by overwhelming majorities, since unpopular bills get weeded out long before they reach the floor. As a result, "nay" votes are rare. | |||||||
| "Nay" votes | 70 | 75 | 63 | 55 | 60 | 51 | |
| Total votes held | 752 | 698 | 666 | 711 | 803 | 845 | |
| "Nay" rate | 9.3% | 11% | 9.5% | 7.7% | 7.5% | 6.0% | |
| Chamber average | 6.5% | 7.0% | 7.7% | 6.5% | 7.1% | 5.7% | |
| Difference | +2.8 | +4.0 | +1.8 | +1.2 | +0.4 | +0.3 | |
| Comparison | | | | | == | == | |
| 2019 | 2020 | 2021 | 2022 | 2023 | 2024 | ||
| Winning side rate (learn more). What percentage of the time (excluding near-unanimous votes) is the legislator on the winning side of a floor vote? | |||||||
| Winning side rate | 62% | 55% | 72% | 59% | 73% | 65% | |
| Chamber average | 68% | 67% | 66% | 67% | 69% | 68% | |
| Difference | -6.5 | -12.3 | +5.6 | -7.7 | +3.9 | -2.6 | |
| Comparison | | | == | | == | == | |
| 2019 | 2020 | 2021 | 2022 | 2023 | 2024 | ||
| Ideology score (NOMINATE method) (learn more). Using W-NOMINATE algorithm developed by Congressional scholars, I calculate each legislator's relative ideology after each General Session. I describe the method here. Scores have no intrinsic meaning. They are only relative: A legislator with a higher score is to the right ideologically of a legislator with a lower scale. Scores may be compared only within a single chamber and a single year. In most years, a conservative Republican will have a score above 0; a score close to 100 is extreme. | |||||||
| Contact me for scores. They get misinterpreted often enough that I now provide them only to political scientists. | |||||||
| 2019 | 2020 | 2021 | 2022 | 2023 | 2024 | ||
| Party support score (overall) (learn more). How consistently does Rep. Strong support his/her party? That is, what percentage of the time does the legislator vote with the majority of the other members of his/her party? Scores are usually easily above 90%. | |||||||
| Score (overall) | 93% | 93% | 94% | 95% | 96% | 96% | |
| Chamber average | 95% | 95% | 94% | 95% | 96% | 96% | |
| Difference | -2.2 | -1.7 | 0.0 | -0.8 | 0.0 | +0.2 | |
| Comparison | | | == | | == | == | |
| 2019 | 2020 | 2021 | 2022 | 2023 | 2024 | ||
| Party support score (party-line only) (learn more). This is the same as the "raw" party support score, but we look only at party-line votes when calculating this. A "party-line" vote occurs when the majority of Democrats votes against the majority of Republicans. Although party-line votes are rare, looking at the legislator's party support score in this setting can be revealing. | |||||||
| Score (party-line only) | 91% | 98% | 94% | 97% | 96% | 99% | |
| Chamber average | 85% | 83% | 85% | 84% | 88% | 87% | |
| Difference | +6.8 | +15 | +9.6 | +13 | +8.9 | +12 | |
| Comparison | | | | | | |
|
Only 14 bills sponsored by Rep. Strong have come to a vote. Listed below are all votes held on bills that Rep. Strong sponsored. The votes are sorted by vote margin, with the most divisive votes listed first.
| Year | Sponsor | Bill | Ayes | Nays | Margin (as % of total votes) |
Type of vote |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 2021 | Strong | HB0233 | 48 | 22 | 37% | House/ passed 3rd reading |
| 2022 | Strong | HB0182S01 | 47 | 19 | 42% | House/ passed 3rd reading |
| 2024 | Strong | HB0415S02 | 20 | 7 | 48% | Senate/ passed 2nd & 3rd readings/ suspension |
| 2021 | Strong | HB0233 | 21 | 7 | 50% | Senate/ passed 2nd & 3rd readings/ suspension |
| 2020 | Strong | HB0377S01 | 56 | 16 | 56% | House/ passed 3rd reading |
| 2023 | Strong | HCR005 | 53 | 15 | 56% | House/ passed 3rd reading |
| 2022 | Strong | HB0387S04 | 57 | 16 | 56% | House/ concurs with Senate amendment |
| 2024 | Strong | HB0415S02 | 20 | 5 | 60% | Senate Conference Committee - Final Passage |
| 2020 | Strong | HB0377S01 | 58 | 14 | 61% | House/ concurs with Senate amendment |
| 2022 | Strong | HB0387S04 | 56 | 13 | 62% | House/ passed 3rd reading |
